During Black History Month let us give thanks to the over 65,000 blacks

During Black History Month let us give thanks to the over
65,000 blacks who fought the war to protect the South from Northern invasion.

The Hampton Roads Peace Conference During the War Between the States
by John V. Denson

Most establishment historians today might as well be the Orwellian historians writing for the Ministry of Truth in George Orwell’s novel 1984, especially in relation to the War Between the States. They rarely, if ever, mention the Hampton Roads Peace Conference which occurred in February of 1865, because it brings into question most of the mythology promoted today which states that Lincoln and the North fought the war for the purpose of abolishing slavery and the South fought for the purpose of protecting it, and therefore, it was a great and noble war.
The story of the peace conference is related by a participant who was vice-president of the Confederacy, Alexander H. Stephens, in volume two of his work entitled A Constitutional View of the War Between the States: Its Causes, Character, Conduct and Results, at pages 589 through 625.
The story begins in early January of 1865 which was before Sherman left Savannah on his march through the Carolinas. Mr. Francis P. Blair, Sr., instigated the conference by obtaining President Lincoln’s permission to contact Confederate President, Jefferson Davis, concerning a possible temporary halt in the war. Mr. Blair was closely connected to the Lincoln administration and he was concerned about the efforts on the part of the French to establish a military presence in Mexico in order to help them reconquer the territory that had been lost in the war with America. Mr. Blair made his proposal to President Jefferson Davis that a secret military conference take place and that all hostility cease between the North and South for the purpose of letting the American army enforce the Monroe Doctrine by directing all of its efforts to evicting the French from Mexico, thereby stopping any assault by the Mexicans on the southwest corner of America. President Lincoln gave his permission to Mr. Blair to talk with Jefferson Davis but indicated to him that he did not endorse Mr. Blair’s ideas; however, he would not stand in the way of some military conference to discuss peace terms and to stop hostilities while the conference was in session. Jefferson Davis listened to Mr. Blair’s proposal, met with his cabinet and it was decided that three delegates were to be appointed to meet with President Lincoln and his Secretary of State, William Seward. The three Confederate delegates were Mr. Stephens, John Campbell, a former U.S. Supreme Court Justice from Alabama, and a Mr. R. M. T. Hunter, a member of the Confederate Senate. The Confederate delegates were given safe passage through Northern lines and met directly with General Grant, who put them on a boat to go to Fortress Monroe. When they reached Fortress Monroe near Hampton Roads, Virginia, they were then escorted to another steamer where President Lincoln and Mr. Seward were to meet with them. The actual meeting occurred on February 3, 1865.
Mr. Seward indicated that this was to be an informal conference with no writing or record to be made, all was to be verbal, and the Confederates agreed. President Lincoln announced in the beginning that the trip of Mr. Blair was approved by him but that he did not endorse the idea to halt the hostilities for the purpose of the American army going to Mexico to enforce the Monroe Doctrine; however, he had no objection to discussing a peace offer at this time. President Lincoln stated that he had always been willing to discuss a peace offer as long as the first condition was met and that would be for the Confederacy to pledge to rejoin the Union. If that condition was agreed upon then they could discuss any other details that were necessary. Mr. Stephens responded by suggesting that if they could come up with some proposal to stop the hostilities, which might lead to the restoration of the Union without further bloodshed, would it not be advisable to act on that proposal, even without an absolute pledge of ultimate restoration being required at the beginning? President Lincoln replied firmly that there would be no stopping of the military operations unless there was a pledge first by the Confederacy to rejoin the Union immediately.
Judge Campbell then asked what would be the terms offered to the South if they were to pledge to rejoin the Union and how would they be taken back into the Union. Since there was no immediate response by either President Lincoln or Mr. Seward, Vice-President Stephens stated that it would be worthwhile to pursue stopping the hostilities to have a cooling off period so that the peace terms might be investigated without the passions of the war. Mr. Stephens indicated that should the hostilities stop for some extended period of time, he felt that there would be a good chance that many of the states would rejoin the Union on the same terms as they had when they joined in the beginning, but that the sovereignty of the states would have to be recognized upon rejoining the Union. Mr. Seward objected that a system of government founded upon the right of secession would not last and that self-preservation of the Union was a first law of nature which applies to nations as well as to individuals. He brought up the point that if all the states were free to secede, they might make a treaty with some foreign nation and thus expose the Union to foreign aggression. Mr. Stephens responded that the principle of self-preservation also applied to every state by itself and it would never be in the interest of any single state or several states to join with some foreign power against those states which remained in the Union.
Mr. Hunter then brought up the question of whether President Lincoln would require the Confederate army to join with the Union army to go to war in Mexico and stated before Lincoln answered that it was the view of all three commissioners that the Confederates would never agree to join with the Union army in an invasion of Mexico. Both President Lincoln and Mr. Seward responded that the feeling was so strong in the North to enforce the Monroe Doctrine, that they felt that the South would not be needed in the invasion.
The subject of slavery then came up and Mr. Stephens asked President Lincoln what would be the status of the slave population in the Confederate states, and especially what effect the Emancipation Proclamation would have if the Confederates rejoined the Union. President Lincoln responded that the Proclamation was only a war measure and as soon as the war ceased, it would have no operation for the future. It was his opinion that the Courts would decide that the slaves who were emancipated under the Proclamation would remain free but those who were not emancipated during the war would remain in slavery. Mr. Seward pointed out that only about two hundred thousand (200,000) slaves had come under the operation of the Proclamation and this would be a small number out of the total. Mr. Seward then brought up the point that several days before the meeting, there had been a proposed 13th constitutional amendment to cause the immediate abolition of slavery throughout the United States, but if the war were to cease and the Confederates rejoined the Union, they would have enough votes to kill the amendment. He stated that there would be thirty-six (36) states and ten (10) could defeat the amendment. The reader should be reminded at this point that President Lincoln, in his Inaugural Address before the war, gave his support to the first 13th amendment pending at that time which would have explicitly protected slavery where it already existed.
Mr. Stephens then inquired as to what would be status of the states in regard to their representation in Congress and President Lincoln replied that they would have their full rights restored under the Constitution. This would mean that there would be no punishment or reconstruction imposed. President Lincoln then returned to the slavery question and stated that it was never his intention to interfere with slavery in the states where it already existed and he would not have done so during the war, except that it became a military necessity. He had always been in favor of prohibiting the extension of slavery into the territories but never thought immediate emancipation in the states where it already existed was practical. He thought there would be "many evils attending" the immediate ending of slavery in those states. Judge Campbell then asked Mr. Seward if he thought there would be good race relations in the South upon immediate emancipation and inquired about what would happen to the freed slaves. President Lincoln responded by telling an anecdote about an Illinois farmer and how he avoided any effort in finding food for his hogs, and his method would apply to the freed slaves, in other words "let’em root!" The Confederate delegation showed no interest in protecting slavery in the Confederacy with their only interest being independence from the Union and the protection of the right to secede, which raised the subject of West Virginia. Mr. Hunter asked President Lincoln whether West Virginia, which had seceded from the State of Virginia, would be allowed to remain a separate state and President Lincoln stated that it would. Lincoln had once been a strong proponent of secession, and as a first-term congressman from Illinois, he spoke in a session of the House of Representatives in 1848 and argued that:
"Any people anywhere, being inclined and having the power, have the right to rise up and shake off the existing government and form a new one that suits them better. This is a most valuable and most sacred right, a right which we hope and believe is to liberate the world." (emphasis supplied).
Lincoln recognized the right of West Virginia to secede but refused to recognize the right of the South to secede. Mr. Hunter indicated that President Lincoln’s proposal amounted to an unconditional surrender but Mr. Seward responded that the North would not be conquerors but rather the states would merely have to recognize national authority and the execution of the national laws. The South would regain full protection of the Constitution like the rest of the states.
President Lincoln returned to the question of slavery stating that he thought the North would be willing to be taxed to compensate the Southern people for the loss of their slaves. He said that he had many conversations to the effect that if there was a voluntary abolition of slavery the American government would pay a fair indemnity and specified that four hundred million dollars ($400,000,000) would probably be appropriated for this purpose. Mr. Seward said that the Northern people were weary of the war and they would be willing to pay this amount of indemnity rather than continuing to pay for the war.
Mr. Stephens wrote that the entire conversation took about four hours and the last subject was the possible exchange of prisoners. President Lincoln stated he would put that question in the hands of General Grant and they could discuss it with Grant as they left. Finally, Mr. Stephens asked President Lincoln to reconsider stopping the hostilities for a period of time so that the respective sides could "cool off," and while cooling off, investigate further possibilities for ending the war other than by simply having the South pledge to rejoin the Union. President Lincoln stated he would reconsider it but he did not think his mind would change on that point. Thus, ended the Peace Conference and the Confederates returned to meet with General Grant and were escorted back to the Confederate lines.
In summary, the South wanted independence, not the protection of slavery, and the North wanted reunion rather than abolition of slavery. This is what President Lincoln had stated in the very beginning before the war and again what he had stated near the end of the war.
It was generally recognized in both the North and the South by 1865 that slavery was a dying institution, not just in America, but throughout Western Civilization. It was also obvious to both the North and the South that slavery would be hard to maintain in a separate Confederate South without the constitutional and statutory fugitive slave provisions which had required free states to return escaped slaves. In fact, many abolitionists had advocated Northern secession before the war as a means to end slavery by depriving the Southern states of the benefits of the fugitive slave clause in the Constitution and the laws relating thereto. The offer of the North to pay for the freed slaves was merely an added inducement to rejoin the Union but Lincoln had always been willing to accept slavery where it already existed if the South would remain in, or later, rejoin the Union. The right of a state to secede clearly had been accepted in the North and the South at the time of the formation of the Union and up until the time of the War Between the States. For example, the New England states frequently asserted the right of secession and threatened to use it on five occasions: in 1803 because of President Jefferson’s Louisiana Purchase; in 1807 over the Embargo Act; in 1812 over the admission of Louisiana as a state; in 1814 at the Hartford Convention because of the War of 1812; and finally, in 1845 over the annexation of Texas.
If the agricultural South rejoined the industrial North, they would again be subject to economic exploitation of the protective tariff, which was paid primarily by the South and was by far the main tax to operate the central government in Washington, D.C. The North, due to their increased representation in Congress, was able to control where the money was spent, which was primarily for internal improvements in the North, a practice the South considered unconstitutional. The protective tariff and internal improvements had been two of the key problems between the two sections since 1828, along with the general disagreement about the size and power of the central government in Washington.
Finally, in order to bring into clear focus the significance of the Hampton Roads Conference, it should be recalled that on April 4, 1861, before the start of the war on April 12, the Secession Convention in Virginia, which had convened in February of 1861, sent a delegate to visit President Lincoln in the White House to discuss the results of the action recently taken in Virginia. When the State of Virginia originally voted on its ratification ordinance approving the U.S. Constitution, it contained a specific clause protecting their right to secede in the future. The delegate was Colonel John B. Baldwin, who was a strong opponent of secession by Virginia, although he recognized the right. His message communicated privately to the president on April 4, was that the convention had voted not to secede if President Lincoln would issue a written pledge to refrain from the use of force in order to get the seceded states back into the Union. President Lincoln told Colonel Baldwin that it was four days too late now to take that action. Unknown to all except a few insiders of the administration, meaning that members of the Congress did not know, the president had already issued secret orders on April 1, to send a fleet of ships to Fort Sumter in order to provoke the South into firing the first shot in order to start the war. (For more details see my chapter "Lincoln and the First Shot: A Study of Deceit and Deception" in the book Reassessing the Presidency.) Lincoln stated that he could not wait until the seceded states decided what to do and added:
"But what am I to do in the meantime with those men at Montgomery? Am I to let them go on?"
Baldwin replied:
"Yes sir, until they can be peaceably brought back."
Lincoln then replied:
"And open Charleston, etc., as ports of entry, with their ten percent tariff . . ." (as opposed to the much higher forty percent Federal tariff). "What then would become of my tariff?" (For more details on this meeting and a subsequent meeting with President Lincoln by other delegates of the Virginia Secession Convention, again see my chapter "Lincoln and the First Shot")
The original Constitution, still in effect before the war, prohibited all "direct" taxes on the people, i.e. income, estate, gift, etc., so almost all the revenue to operate the Federal government in Washington was derived from an "indirect" tax on imports. The South, being agricultural, had to import almost all manufactured goods from Europe (primarily England) or buy the products from the North. The higher the tax on imports, the more protection the North got to raise its prices for its manufactured goods and for this reason a high import tax was called a "protective tariff." As long as, the import tax was ten percent or less it was classified as a "revenue tax" to which the South did not object. In fact, the new Confederate Constitution adopted in March of 1861, placed a maximum tax on imports of ten percent. However, when an import tax or tariff exceeded ten percent, it became known as a "protective tariff" for the protection of domestic (Northern) industry. Shortly before the war, the Chicago Daily Times was only one of many newspapers predicting a calamity for federal revenue and business in the North if the South was allowed to secede with its ten percent limit on import taxes which would attract trade, especially from abroad, to the South rather than the North. In an editorial it stated:
"In one single blow our [Northern] foreign commerce must be reduced to less than one-half what it now is. Our coastwise trade will pass into other hands . . . We should lose our trade with the South, with all of its immense profits. Our manufactories will be in utter ruins. Let the South adopt the free-trade system, or that of a tariff for revenue (ten percent or less), and these results would likely follow."
In a debate in England, two notable British citizens, Charles Dickens and John Stuart Mill, took opposing views on the cause of the American War Between the States with Mill stating that the purpose of the war was the abolition of slavery and Dickens maintained that "The Northern onslaught upon slavery was no more than a piece of specious humbug designed to conceal its desire for economic control of the Southern states."
The meeting at Hampton Roads in 1865 and the meeting with Colonel Baldwin in 1861 both showed that President Lincoln’s concern was preventing the secession of the South in order to protect Northern manufacturers and to retain the tax source for the Federal government. The abolition of slavery was not the purpose of the war. In his Inaugural Address he promised he would invade the South for the purpose of collecting taxes and recovering the forts but he would support the first 13th amendment which protected slavery in the states where it already existed.
The War Between the States was not a noble war to abolish slavery, but instead was a war of conquest to require the Southern states to continue paying the taxes which paid for the federal government and to change the system of government given to us by our Founders and instead replace it with a strong national government thereby removing most of the political power from the states and the people. When the famous British historian, Lord Acton, wrote to Robert E. Lee after the war, in a letter dated November 4, 1866, he inquired about Lee’s assessment of the meaning of the war and the result that would follow. Lord Acton’s letter stated, in part, that:
"I saw in State Rights the only availing check upon the absolutism of the sovereign will, and secession filled me with hope, not as the destruction but as the redemption of Democracy . . . . Therefore I deemed that you were fighting the battles of our liberty, our progress, and our civilization; and I mourn for the stake which was lost at Richmond more deeply than I rejoice over that which was saved at Waterloo."
Lee replied in a letter dated December 15, 1866, and stated, in part, what the result would be:
" . . . [T]he consolidation of the states into one vast republic, sure to be aggressive abroad and despotic at home, will be the certain precursor of the ruin which has overwhelmed all those that have preceded it." (emphasis supplied).
Never have truer words ever been written or spoken.
Rarely do any governments, or the politicians, intellectuals and news media who support their wars, tell the truth about the real motives for the wars. After all, the citizens must be convinced either that their safety is being protected from an aggressor or that the war serves some noble purpose, because it’s the citizens who fight, die and pay the taxes. The Orwellian historians have falsified the true purposes or motives behind most of America’s wars, and have instead given us glorified accounts designed to mislead the public in order to justify the sacrifices the people have made. All wars, whether won or lost, tend to centralize and increase the power into the national government, increase the debts and taxes and diminish the civil liberties of the citizens. It is time we begin to see through the myths and false propaganda about American wars so that we can prevent future wars. Americans have a strong tendency to accept as true the false wartime propaganda which now appears in the history books and which is repeated by politicians and intellectuals to the effect that all of America’s wars have been just, necessary and noble. This tendency of the Americans to accept this false propaganda tends to prevent them from questioning the alleged reasons for current wars. There is also a strong tendency by Americans to measure a person’s patriotism by how much that person supports an American war rather than how much the person supports the concept of American freedom and the ideas of our Founders, which includes a noninterventionist foreign policy
It is time that Americans learn the truth about the real reasons behind our wars, and particularly, the War Between the States, because of the price that we have paid in the long-term loss of liberty in that war. The deaths of over 600,000 American young men in that war is not exactly inconsequential. This high death total is more than the total of all the deaths of American soldiers in all the other wars America has fought. The Hampton Roads Peace Conference is a necessary piece to the puzzle of learning that truth.
The abolition of slavery by the 13th amendment was a great step forward in the struggle for individual freedom and it eliminated a horrible evil in America which had been practiced for centuries throughout the world, but the passage of that amendment was not the purpose of the war and slavery would certainly have died soon without a war as it did elsewhere throughout Western Civilization without wars. It is the War Between the States which was the first great turning point in American history away from the system of government and the individual freedom that our Founders provided for us. We need a new "Reformation and Renaissance," but this time, it needs to be about government, especially the American government. We need a new "turning point" to go in the right direction to recover the original ideas about individual freedom advocated by our Founders before it is too late; or have we already passed the point of no return?

Research, shows instances where Black men stated they were soldiers,
but you can plainly see where 'soldier' is crossed out and 'body servant'
inserted, or 'teamster' on pension applications."
A black historian, Roland Young, says he is not
surprised that blacks fought. He explains that "some, if not most, Black
southerners would support their country" and that by doing so they were
"demonstrating it's possible to hate the system of slavery and love one's
country." This is the very same reaction that most African Americans
showed during the American Revolution, where they fought for the
colonies, even though the British offered them freedom if they fought for
them.

It has been estimated that over 65,000 Southern blacks were in the
Confederate ranks. Over 13,000 of these, "saw the elephant" also known
as meeting the enemy in combat. These Black Confederates included both
slave and free. The Confederate Congress did not approve blacks to be
officially enlisted as soldiers (except as musicians), until late in the war. But
in the ranks it was a different story. Many Confederate officers did not
obey the mandates of politicians, they frequently enlisted blacks with the
simple criteria, "Will you fight?" Historian Ervin Jordan, explains that
"biracial units" were frequently organized "by local Confederate and State
militia Commanders in response to immediate threats in the form of Union
raids". Dr. Leonard Haynes, a African-American professor at Southern
University, stated, "When you eliminate the black Confederate soldier,
you've eliminated the history of the South."

As the war came to an end, the Confederacy took progressive measures
to build back up it's army. The creation of the Confederate States Colored
Troops, copied after the segregated northern colored troops, came too
late to be successful. Had the Confederacy been successful, it would have
created the world's largest armies (at the time) consisting of black
soldiers, even larger than that of the North. This would have given the future
of the Confederacy a vastly different appearance than what modern day
racist or anti-Confederate liberals conjecture. Not only did Jefferson Davis
envision black Confederate veterans receiving bounty lands for their
service, there would have been no future for slavery after the goal of
300,000 armed black CSA veterans came home after the war.

1. The "Richmond Howitzers" were partially manned by black militiamen.
They saw action at 1st Manassas (or 1st Battle of Bull Run) where they
operated battery no. 2. In addition two black "regiments", one free and
one slave, participated in the battle on behalf of the South. "Many colored
people were killed in the action", recorded John Parker, a former slave.

2. At least one Black Confederate was a non-commissioned officer. James
Washington, Co. D 35th Texas Cavalry, Confederate States Army,
became it's 3rd Sergeant. Higher ranking black commissioned officers
served in militia units, but this was on the State militia level (Louisiana)and
not in the regular C.S. Army.

3. Free black musicians, cooks, soldiers and teamsters earned the same
pay as white confederate privates. This was not the case in the Union army
where blacks did not receive equal pay. At the Confederate Buffalo Forge
in Rockbridge County, Virginia, skilled black workers "earned on average
three times the wages of white Confederate soldiers and more than most
Confederate army officers ($350- $600 a year).

4. Dr. Lewis Steiner, Chief Inspector of the United States Sanitary
Commission while observing Gen. "Stonewall" Jackson's occupation of
Frederick, Maryland, in 1862: "Over 3,000 Negroes must be included in
this number [Confederate troops]. These were clad in all kinds of uniforms,
not only in cast-off or captured United States uniforms, but in coats with
Southern buttons, State buttons, etc. These were shabby, but not shabbier
or seedier than those worn by white men in the rebel ranks. Most of the
Negroes had arms, rifles, muskets, sabers, bowie-knives, dirks, etc.....and
were manifestly an integral portion of the Southern Confederate Army."

5. Frederick Douglas reported, "There are at the present moment many
Colored men in the Confederate Army doing duty not only as cooks,
servants and laborers, but real soldiers, having musket on their shoulders,
and bullets in their pockets, ready to shoot down any loyal troops and do
all that soldiers may do to destroy the Federal government and build up
that of the rebels."

6. Black and white militiamen returned heavy fire on Union troops at the
Battle of Griswoldsville (near Macon, GA). Approximately 600 boys and
elderly men were killed in this skirmish.

7. In 1864, President Jefferson Davis approved a plan that proposed the
emancipation of slaves, in return for the official recognition of the
Confederacy by Britain and France. France showed interest but Britain
refused.

8. The Jackson Battalion included two companies of black soldiers. They
saw combat at Petersburg under Col. Shipp. "My men acted with utmost
promptness and goodwill...Allow me to state sir that they behaved in an
extraordinary acceptable manner."

9. Recently the National Park Service, with a recent discovery, recognized
that blacks were asked to help defend the city of Petersburg, Virginia and
were offered their freedom if they did so. Regardless of their official
classification, black Americans performed support functions that in today's
army many would be classified as official military service. The successes of
white Confederate troops in battle, could only have been achieved with the
support these loyal black Southerners.

10. Confederate General John B. Gordon (Army of Northern Virginia)
reported that all of his troops were in favor of Colored troops and that it's
adoption would have "greatly encouraged the army". Gen. Lee was
anxious to receive regiments of black soldiers. The Richmond Sentinel
reported on 24 Mar 1864, "None will deny that our servants are more
worthy of respect than the motley hordes which come against us." "Bad
faith [to black Confederates] must be avoided as an indelible dishonor."

11. In March 1865, Judah P. Benjamin, Confederate Secretary Of State,
promised freedom for blacks who served from the State of Virginia.
Authority for this was finally received from the State of Virginia and on
April 1st 1865, $100 bounties were offered to black soldiers. Benjamin
exclaimed, "Let us say to every Negro who wants to go into the ranks, go
and fight, and you are free Fight for your masters and you shall have your
freedom." Confederate Officers were ordered to treat them humanely and
protect them from "injustice and oppression".

12. A quota was set for 300,000 black soldiers for the Confederate States
Colored Troops. 83% of Richmond's male slave population volunteered
for duty. A special ball was held in Richmond to raise money for uniforms
for these men. Before Richmond fell, black Confederates in gray uniforms
drilled in the streets. Due to the war ending, it is believed only companies
or squads of these troops ever saw any action. Many more black soldiers
fought for the North, but that difference was simply a difference because
the North instituted this progressive policy more sooner than the more
conservative South. Black soldiers from both sides received discrimination
from whites who opposed the concept .

13. Union General U.S. Grant in Feb 1865, ordered the capture of "all the
Negro men before the enemy can put them in their ranks." Frederick
Douglass warned Lincoln that unless slaves were guaranteed freedom
(those in Union controlled areas were still slaves) and land bounties, "they
would take up arms for the rebels".

14. On April 4, 1865 (Amelia County, VA), a Confederate supply train
was exclusively manned and guarded by black Infantry. When attacked by
Federal Cavalry, they stood their ground and fought off the charge, but on
the second charge they were overwhelmed. These soldiers are believed to
be from "Major Turner's" Confederate command.

15. A Black Confederate, George _____, when captured by Federals was
bribed to desert to the other side. He defiantly spoke, "Sir, you want me to
desert, and I ain't no deserter. Down South, deserters disgrace their
families and I am never going to do that."

16. Former slave, Horace King, accumulated great wealth as a contractor
to the Confederate Navy. He was also an expert engineer and became
known as the "Bridge builder of the Confederacy." One of his bridges was
burned in a Yankee raid. His home was pillaged by Union troops, as his
wife pleaded for mercy.

17. As of Feb. 1865 1,150 black seamen served in the Confederate
Navy. One of these was among the last Confederates to surrender, aboard
the CSS Shenandoah, six months after the war ended. This surrender took
place in England.

18. Nearly 180,000 Black Southerners, from Virginia alone, provided
logistical support for the Confederate military. Many were highly skilled
workers. These included a wide range of jobs: nurses, military engineers,
teamsters, ordnance department workers, brakemen, firemen, harness
makers, blacksmiths, wagonmakers, boatmen, mechanics, wheelwrights,
etc. In the 1920'S Confederate pensions were finally allowed to some of
those workers that were still living. Many thousands more served in other
Confederate States.

19. During the early 1900's, many members of the United Confederate
Veterans (UCV) advocated awarding former slaves rural acreage and a
home. There was hope that justice could be given those slaves that were
once promised "forty acres and a mule" but never received any. In the
1913 Confederate Veteran magazine published by the UCV, it was printed
that this plan "If not Democratic, it is [the] Confederate" thing to do. There
was much gratitude toward former slaves, which "thousands were loyal, to
the last degree", now living with total poverty of the big cities.
Unfortunately, their proposal fell on deaf ears on Capitol Hill.

20. During the 50th Anniversary of the Battle of Gettysburg in 1913,
arrangements were made for a joint reunion of Union and Confederate
veterans. The commission in charge of the event made sure they had
enough accommodations for the black Union veterans, but were
completely surprised when unexpected black Confederates arrived. The
white Confederates immediately welcomed their old comrades, gave them
one of their tents, and "saw to their every need". Nearly every Confederate
reunion including those blacks that served with them, wearing the gray.

21. The first military monument in the US Capitol that honors an
African-American soldier is the Confederate monument at Arlington
National cemetery. The monument was designed 1914 by Moses Ezekiel,
a Jewish Confederate. Who wanted to correctly portray the "racial
makeup" in the Confederate Army. A black Confederate soldier is
depicted marching in step with white Confederate soldiers. Also shown is
one "white soldier giving his child to a black woman for protection".-
source: Edward Smith, African American professor at the American
University, Washington DC.

22. Black Confederate heritage is beginning to receive the attention it
deserves. For instance, Terri Williams, a black journalist for the Suffolk
"Virginia Pilot" newspaper, writes: "I've had to re-examine my feelings
toward the [Confederate] flag started when I read a newspaper article
about an elderly black man whose ancestor worked with the Confederate
forces. The man spoke with pride about his family member's contribution
to the cause, was photographed with the [Confederate] flag draped over
his lap that's why I now have no definite stand on just what the flag
symbolizes, because it no longer is their history, or my history, but our
history."

Resources:

Charles Kelly Barrow, et.al. Forgotten Confederates: An Anthology About
Black Southerners (1995). Currently the best book on the subject.

Ervin L. Jordan, Jr. Black Confederates and Afro-Yankees in Civil War
Virginia (1995). Well researched and very good source of information on
Black Confederates, but has a strong Union bias.

Richard Rollins. Black Southerners in Gray (1994). Excellent source.

Dr. Edward Smith and Nelson Winbush, "Black Southern Heritage". An
excellent educational video. Mr. Winbush is a descendent of a Black
Confederate and a member of the Sons of Confederate Veterans (SCV).

This fact page is not an all inclusive list of Black Confederates, only a small
sampling of accounts. For general historical information on Black
Confederates, contact Dr. Edward Smith, American University, 4400
Massachusetts Ave., N.W., Washington, DC 20016; Dean of American
Studies. Dr. Smith is a black professor dedicated to clarifying the historical
role of African Americans.

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BLACK HISTORY MONTH
BLACK CONFEDERATE HERITAGE

This fact sheet was prepared by the Sons of Confederate Veterans Education Committee for distribution to professors, teachers, librarians, principals, ethnic leaders, members of the press, and others interested in promoting an understanding of Black contributions to United States history. The SCV hopes this information will enrich the celebration of Black History Month during February. This sheet may be freely copied and distributed without permission or notice; if republished in part or whole, please credit the Sons of Confederate Veterans.

"There are at the present moment, many colored men in the Confederate Army doing duty...as real soldiers, having muskets on their shoulders and bullets in their pockets...." Frederick Douglas, former slave & abolitionist (Fall, 1861)

How many? Easily tens of thousands of blacks served the Confederacy as laborers, teamsters, cooks and even as soldiers. Some estimates indicate 25% of free blacks and 15% of slaves actively supported the South during the war.

Why? Blacks served the South because it was their home, and because they hoped for the reward of patriotism; for these reasons they fought in every war through Korea, even though it meant defending a segregated United States.

Emancipation? President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation did not free a single slave. Issued at a time when the Confederacy seemed to be winning the war, Lincoln hoped to transform a disagreement over secession into a crusade against slavery, thus preventing Great Britain (and France) from intervening on the side of the South. The proclamation allowed slavery to continue in the North as well as in Tennessee and large parts of Louisiana and Virginia. It applied only to Confederate-held slaves, which Lincoln had no authority over, but not to slaves under Federal control.

Lincoln's Views? "I am not in favor of making voters or jurors of Negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office...." 9/15/1858 campaign speech "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery...." 3/4/1861 First Inaugural Address "I am a little uneasy about the abolishment of slavery in this District [of Columbia]...." 3/24/1862 letter to Horace Greeley "If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it...." 8/22/1862 letter to Horace Greeley, New York Tribune editor

Confederate: Famed bridge engineer and former slave Horace King received naval contracts for building Confederate warships. A black servant named Sam Ashe killed the first Union officer during the war, abolitionist Major Theodore Winthrop. John W. Buckner, a black private, was wounded at Ft. Wagner repulsing the U.S. (Colored) 54th Massachusetts Regiment. George Wallace, a servant who surrendered with General Lee at Appomattox, later served in the Georgia Senate. Jim Lewis served General Stonewall Jackson, and was honored to hold his horse "Little Sorrel" at the general's funeral. Captured black cook Dick Poplar suffered cruelty by Yankee Negro guards at Pt. Lookout, MD for being a "Jeff Davis man."

Union: A daring Robert Smalls engineered theft of the CSS Planter, presenting it to the Yankee blockading fleet at Charleston. Black Medal of Honor awardees Christian Fleetwood and William Carey bravely carried the banner at Ft. Wagner's assault in 1863.

Colonial: The first man to die for the American cause of freedom was Crispus Attucks, a black seaman from Boston. At the time of the American Revolution, New York City held almost as many slaves as all of Georgia combined.

Surprising Facts: In St. Louis, General John Fremont freed slaves of "disloyal" Missouri Confederates; an angry Lincoln fired him. Slaves in Washington, D.C. were not freed until April 1862, a year after the war began with the firing at Ft. Sumter. Slavery continued throughout the entire war in five Union-held states: DE, MD, WV, KY and MO. The New York City draft riots of July 1863 resulted in burning of a beautiful black orphanage and lynching of blacks. A provision in the Confederate Constitution prohibited the African slave trade outright (unlike the U.S. Constitution). Encouraged by General Lee, the CSA eventually freed slaves who would join the army, and did recruit and arm black regiments. C.S. General Robert E. Lee freed his family slaves before the war; Union Gen. U.S. Grant kept his wife's slaves well into the war. Many blacks owned slaves themselves. In 1861 Charleston, for example, a free colored planter named William Ellison owned 70 slaves. Even in 1830 New York City, three decades before the war, eight black planters owned 17 slaves.

Blacks Today: Nelson W. Winbush, a retired educator and SCV member, lectures on his black Confederate ancestor, private Louis N. Nelson. A black Chicago funeral home owner, Ernest A. Griffin, flies the CSA battle flag and erected at his own expense a $20,000 monument to the 6,000 Confederate soldiers who are buried on his property, once site of the Union prison Camp Douglas. Black professor Leonard Haynes (recently deceased) of Southern University (Baton Rouge) spoke regularly on black Confederates. American University's professor Edward Smith also lectures on the truth of black Confederate history and, with Nelson W. Winbush, has prepared an educational videotape entitled "Black Southern Heritage" (available at (954) 963-4857)

Info? Contact: Dr. Edward Smith, American University, 4400 Massachusetts Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20016 (202) 885-1192; Dean of American Studies, Dr. Smith (a black professor) is dedicated to clarifying the historical role of blacks.

Websites: Library of Congress Black History Resource Guide -
http://lcweb.loc.gov/exhibits/african/intro.html
Sons of Confederate Veterans, International Headquarters - http://www.scv.org

Books: Charles Kelly Barrow, et al. Forgotten Confederates: An Anthology About Black Southerners (1995)
Iver Bernstein. The New York Draft Riots (1990)
Ervin L. Jordan, Jr. Black Confederates and Afro-Yankees in Civil War Virginia (1995)
Larry Koger. Black Slaveowners: Free Black Slaveowners in South Carolina, 1790-1860 (1985, 1995)
Edward A. Miller, Jr. Gullah Statesman: Robert Smalls - From Slavery to Congressman, 1839-1915 (1995)
Richard Rollins. Black Southerners in Gray (1994)
Cornish Taylor. The Sable Arm: Negro Troops in the Union Army, 1861-1865 (1956)

Sons of Confederate Veterans

The Sons of Confederate Veterans (SCV) is a patriotic, historical, and educational organization, founded in 1896, dedicated to honoring the sacrifices of the Confederate soldier and sailor, and to preserving Southern Culture. Its projects include educational talks, memorial dedications, medical research scholarships, and publication of Confederate Veteran magazine. The SCV is not affiliated with any other organization, except for its officers corps, the MOS&B. For more information, call 1-800-380-1896 or visit the SCV website at http://www.scv.org

Shunned Black Confederate Descendant Plans To Present Wreath

At African American Civil War Memorial Ceremonies
----------------------------------------------
COLUMBIA, Tenn., July 13 /PRNewswire/ -- In spite of being unceremoniously
dropped from the program by the African American Civil War Memorial Freedom
Foundation, Dr. Emerson Emory, a Black Dallas, Texas physician, still plans
to lay a wreath, on behalf of the Sons of Confederate Veterans, at the
African American Civil War Memorial in Washington, D.C. Dr. Emory, a Sons
of Confederate Veterans member, was scheduled to present the wreath and read a
poem he wrote, in honor of the unveiling of the new African American Civil
War Memorial, but was later uninvited.

On April 23, 1998, the Foundation's Project Director, Lyndia Grant advised
Dr. Emory that the Foundation would allow Dr. Emory to participate in the
program. On May 20, 1998, the invitation was revoked when he was told he
could not participate by the Foundation's Chief Historian, Walter B. Hill,
Jr., <walter.hill@arch2.nara.gov> According to Hill, the Foundation, ``does
not share and believe in the traditions and symbolism of the Confederate
States of America.''

Regardless, Dr. Emory plans to attend the ceremonies, wreath in hand. Dr
Emory said that he would place the wreath sometime during the three-day
ceremonies. ``I will put the wreath out, even if I have to do it in the
middle of the night,'' Dr. Emory said. He explained that he feels that the
wreath should be placed, ``as a fitting tribute by one group of military
troops honoring the other.'' ``I don't feel that it is derogatory for
Southern troops to honor the African American troops,'' Dr. Emory said.

In June, acting on behalf of Dr. Emory and the Sons of Confederate
Veterans, John Perry, Chief of Heritage Defense, wrote Frank Smith, Jr., Chairman of
the Foundation, requesting that the discourteous actions of the Foundation
be revoked and Dr. Emory be given the right to participate. As of the date
of this press release, the Foundation has not responded to the request. Dr.
Emory's letter to the Foundation has also gone unanswered.

African American Civil War Memorial Foundation
Uninvites Black Confederate Descendant
Elm Springs July 9, 1998

DISPATCHER'S NOTE:

Regarding this matter, I was directed to review an exchange on the
"controversial" role of Black Confederates in the late unpleasantness
between "historian" Dr. Hill and Captain Michael Kelley of The 34th Texas
Regiment (Reorganized), Independent Companies C through K.

The following is a representation of the exchange as it appears on the
Captain's website, in this particular case:
<http://webhosters.com/34thtxcav/html/BlkHist.html>
-------
From: Walter Hill <walter.hill@arch2.nara.gov>

Good Afternoon,

My name is Walter B. Hill, and I am the subject specialist for
African-American History at the National Archives. I am also the Chief
Historian for the African American Civil War Memorial. There were no
African-Americans who fought for the Confederacy. I am associated with the
Freedom and Southern Society Project based at the University of Maryland,
History Department, and very familiar with the federal documentation of the
USCT. There is this notions that African Americans fought but our records
show their use as labor troops. The USCT website is with the National Parks
Service. NARA does not have one; however, if you are interested in this
question, it most certainly can be explored at NARA.

WBH
-------
*Editor's Note:

When provided the reference of "On the Altar of Freedom," collected letters
of Corporal Henry Gooding of the 54th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry
(Colored), in which Gooding described fighting and capturing several
fully-armed, fully-uniformed Black Confederate sharpshooters prior to the
assault on Fort Wagner, Morris Island, SC, Dr. Hill's "academic response"
was:

"I don't debate this historical misrepresentation."

Dr. Emory, a member of the SCV Gaston-Gregg Camp in Dallas, is presently
in Washington, determined to lay the wreath at some point, regardless of
the wishes of those formally in charge of the ceremonies. He will also
read his poem in which he, as the Gray, salutes those who wore the Blue.
Pete Orlebeke (current CiC), James Dark (webmaster for the Texas
Division), and I (Past CiC) all spoke today on a call-in program on
Dallas radio station KRLD on the subject of the officials withdrawing Dr.
Emerson's invitation. When a woman called in to say that it was proper
to drop Dr. Emory because the blacks who fought for the Confederacy did
so only because they had been promised their freedom if they did, the
very next caller was a black man who said he was descended from free
blacks in East Texas who fought like other blacks to protect their
property when the North invaded the South. It was great to hear a black
refuting the tiresome lies so often held out as Southern history.

Ralph Green

I'm wondering what members of Afrigeneas think about this matter. I am
doing research on my great-grandfather ( a free person of color} who may
have been a Black Confederate. If it is true my gg-father was a
confederate, I cannot explain his beliefs or motives nor can I ask him. I
have other family members who were USCT. I am as proud of their service, as
I would be proud of my gg-father .I feel we as Black Americans have been
shunned enough. I believe we should honor all soldiers of color. We have
fought in every war even though we were second class citizens.

Lillian
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*****************

South Carolinaís African American Confederate Pensioners 1923-1925 by
Alexia Jones Helsley brings to light stories of some African Americans
as told on their applications for Confederate pensions. In 1923 the South Carolina
legislature approved "An Act to Provide for Pensions for certain
faithful Negroes who were engaged in service of the State in the War Between the States.

" The state required each applicant to supply his name, address, description
of service, commanding officers and character references. Some applications include affidavits
from witnesses confirming the applicantís service and testifying to good
character. In most cases these pension applications, which are part of the stateís archives
at the South Carolina Archives and History Center, provide the only
written documentation of an individual African Americanís service during the Civil War. They tell
of hard work, loyalty, personal injury and heroism. Helsley abstracts
more than three hundred pension applications filed between 1923 and 1925.

This new book is available for $13 plus shipping from the South Carolina
Archives and History Center, 8301 Parklane Road, Columbia, SC, 29223. A
complete catalog of publications from the Archives and History Center is
available. For more information or to order by phone, call Carrie
Bassett at (803) 896-6191.

During Black History Month let us give thanks to the over 65,000 blacks

southern-history/blacks.htm

A standard for us all

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